Crimean media fanned exaggerated claims of the threat of ‘Ukrainianisation’ to Russian speakers and racism towards Crimean Tatars. Lawyers Siar Panich, Rustem Kyamilev and Safia Shabanova commented to the Suspilne Crimea on the illegally arrested Crimean Tatars. Minister of Education Dmytro Tabachnyk expanded Soviet and Russian historical myths in Ukrainian education, and new state anniversaries were created that imported Putin’s cult of the Great Patriotic War.  One Crimean Tatar woman living near Tashkent recalled the events from 1944: My parents were moved from Crimea to Uzbekistan in May 1944. Since the trains only stopped to open the doors at rare occasions during the trip, the sick inevitably contaminated others in the wagons. In August 2008, Russia invaded Georgia, and its armed forces nearly reached Tbilisi, only forty kilometres from the southeastern border of the frozen conflict zone of South Ossetia. After World War II, the Donbas was settled by large numbers of people from other regions of the USSR, who were sent to work in its coal miners and industrial plants. From 1995 until the 2004 Orange Revolution, Russian nationalist-separatist groups in Crimea were marginalised, which provided the political space for Kyiv and Crimea to complete their negotiations and establish a new constitutional relationship. In the Tsarist Russian Empire, the extreme Russian nationalist (imperialist) ‘Black Hundreds’ had bases in Ukraine, and its enemies were Ukrainian and Polish nationalists and Jews (Shkandrij 2001, 166). Denouncing the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014, he said the "inhuman and illegal" occupation has continued in Crimean territory for six years now. , A majority of the hiwis (helpers), their families and all those associated with the Muslim Committees were evacuated to Germany and Hungary or Dobruja by the Wehrmacht and Romanian Army where they joined the Eastern Turkic division.  Historian Gregory Dufaud regards the Soviet accusations against Crimean Tatars as a convenient excuse for their forcible transfer through which Moscow secured an unrivalled access to the geostrategic southern Black Sea on one hand and eliminated hypothetical rebellious nations at the same time. , Mustafa Dzhemilev, who was only six months old when his family was deported from Crimea, grew up in Uzbekistan and became an activist advocating for the right of the Crimean Tatars to return. The high mortality rate continued for several years in exile due to malnutrition, labor exploitation, diseases, lack of medical care, and exposure to the harsh desert climate of Uzbekistan. Around the larger cities, such as Sevastopol, a Crimean Tatar was on average given only 0.04 acres of land, which was of poor quality or unsuitable for farming. From 2005-2006, the marginalisation of the NDP and co-option of the Communist Party of Ukraine opened a political vacuum in Crimea, which the Party of Regions exploited. Sakwa’s (2015) mythical framework is unable to explain why the bulk of the fighting against Russian military aggression is being undertaken by Russian-speaking eastern Ukrainians (Hunter 2018, 94; Kaihko 2018; Aliyev 2019, 2020). It adopted measures which involved the "abolition of all previous RSFSR laws relating to illegally forced deportations" and called for the "restoration and return of the cultural and spiritual values and archives which represent the heritage of the repressed people. In March 2014, Russia held a sham referendum that voted for ‘union’ with Russia. One aspect of Manafort’s Ukrainian ‘Southern Strategy’ was to increase Ukrainian nationalist Svoboda (Freedom) Party’s popularity and, by doing so, provide the Party of Regions with ‘fascist’ opponents against whom it could mobilise Russian speakers. Taras Kuzio is a Professor in the Department of Political Science, National University of Kyiv Mohyla Academy and a Non-Resident Fellow in the Foreign Policy Institute, School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University, Washington DC. , Ethnic cleansing and genocide in the Soviet Union. " The records show that at least 7,889 Crimean Tatars died during this long journey, amounting to about 4 per cent of their entire ethnicity.. The Canadian province of Ontario would never, for example, be described as a region of ‘Presbyterian culture’ because a monopoly of one religious confession would not be synonymous with an understanding of tolerance of pluralism found in countries that practise multiculturalism. Ukraine with a population (42 million), 3.4 times less than that of Russia (144 million), has 40% of the parishes of the Russian Orthodox Church. Additionally, 56% of Russians support the separation of the Donbas from Ukraine into an independent state or the region joining Russia (Crimea: Five Years 2019). The Crimean Tatar name of the peninsula is Qırım (Anakuhi:Lang-crh) and so also for the city of Krym which is now called Stary Krym which served as a capital of the Crimean province of the Golden Horde. However, various other restrictions were still kept and the Crimean Tatars were not allowed to return to Crimea. Up to 130,000 people died during the Axis occupation of Crimea. Some sources hold that the name of the capital was extended to the entire peninsula at some point during Ottoman suzerainty. Based on a civic understanding of what constitutes the history of a nation-state, Kyiv Rus should be understood as part of Ukrainian history. Black people and Jews were both depicted in a negative manner. And just as the USSR’s missiles in Cuba can be equated with the US’s in Turkey, Putin’s perspective on Ukraine is coloured by the US and EU supporting the removal of a democratically elected Ukrainian leader (however distasteful) and also supporting the expansion of Nato right up to Soviet borders, breaking a recent agreement. Ukrainians and Crimean Tatars accepted that their homeland was the territory of the former Ukrainian SSR, including Crimea. Mustafa Dzhemilev, famous human rights defender, former Chairman of the Mejlis of the Crimean Tatar People, Ukrainian MP and the presidential envoy for the affairs of Crimean Tatar people, stated that Russian President Vladimir Putin expresses regret in his immediate entourage and wishes he hadn’t ordered to occupy Crimea.The Pryamyi TV channel reports that. By 2004, sufficient numbers of Crimean Tatars had returned to Crimea that they comprised 12 percent of the peninsula's population. Crimean Tatars were accused of having ‘collaborated’ with the Nazis; No remorse for the suffering this ethnic cleansing inflicted upon Crimean Tatars; Opposition to the return of Crimean Tatars to Crimea and the restitution of their confiscated property and other assets; Claims that Crimea was always ‘Russian’ (Sakwa 2016, 24) and denial that Tatars are the Crimea’s indigenous people; Continuation to hold a racially constructed colonial settler superiority towards ‘backward’ and ‘Muslim interlopers’ (Yekelchyk 2019); Systematic socio-economic discrimination towards Crimean Tatars who have returned to Crimea in the workplace; Denial of Crimean Tatar political representation through the use of fixed quotas in the Crimean parliament. In May 2019, the Hamburg-based UN International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea ruled in favour of Ukraine and demanded that Russia release the illegally imprisoned ships and seamen. 268 "On the Measures for the Rehabilitation of Armenian, Bulgarian, Greek, Crimean Tatar and German Peoples and the State Support of Their Revival and Development" on 21 April 2014, in practice it has treated Crimean Tatars with far less care.  Other sources give a figure of 44,125 deaths during that time, while a third source, using alternative NKVD archives, gives a figure of 32,107 deaths.  Their status deteriorated further after Joseph Stalin became the Soviet leader and implemented repressions that led to the deaths of at least 5.2 million Soviet citizens between 1927 and 1938. The second reason is the belief Ukraine signing an Association Agreement with the EU would constitute a permanent break of that country with the Russian World (D’Anieri 2019, 210). It is not difficult to find examples of Putin’s nationalism (imperialism) towards Ukraine; that is, if one treats Ukraine as a separate country from Russia and if one wants to accept his discourse as nationalistic (imperialistic) (Putin 2014a, 2014b, 2015a, 2015b, 2017, 2019, 20230a, 2020b). Khrushchev was not ceding Crimea to a state independent of, let alone hostile to, the USSR. Some western scholars paint a fairy-tale picture of life for Tatars in Crimea that could have been prepared by political technologists working for the Kremlin. In 2016, Crimean Tatar singer Susana Jamaladinova, known as Jamala, represented Ukraine in the Eurovision song contest with the song ‘1944’ about the genocide of her people, winning first place in the annual contest. Yanukovych continued to balance between Europe and Eurasia, still supporting an Association Agreement with the EU, which became increasingly untenable and collapsed into disarray in the Euromaidan Revolution (Kuzio 2017a). Russia expanded its covert operations in Crimea, Donbas, and Odesa, infiltrated the Party of Regions and other pro-Russian forces, and provided paramilitary training for Donbas extremist groups who played an active role in 2014 (see chapter 5), while Russian television and media propaganda became more bellicose. The leaked report said: ‘In Crimea, according to various indicators, 50–60% voted for unification with Russia with a voter turnout of 30–50%.’ This gave a range of between 15% and 30% voting for Crimea’s union with Russia. This ban was lifted during the Soviet census of 1989. Also, in spring 2014, inter-ethnic relations did not deteriorate in Crimea (In Crimea serious human rights violations and attacks on minorities and journalists require urgent action 2014). Russian leaders would never consent to the removal of monuments to Russian leaders and military officers who expanded the boundaries of the Tsarist empire and USSR. They often engaged in conflicts with Moscow—from 1468 until the 17th century, Crimean Tatars were averse to the newly-established Russian rule. Ukrainian nationalism has always had low levels of support among Ukrainians, and it played a minor role in the Euromaidan (Onuch and Sasse 2018). Pijl (2018, 45) writes that Russian is ‘the language of education and media, including internet.’ Meanwhile, the Ukrainian language is ‘hardly developed as a modern language’ (Pijl 2018, 45). Various estimates of the mortality rates of the Crimean Tatars: Stalin's government denied the Crimean Tatars the right to education or publication in their native language. On 16 September, seven more Crimean Tatars from the Crimean peninsula which Russia occupied in 2014 were predictably sentenced to monstrous terms by a court in Rostov-on-Don. Manafort’s ‘Southern Strategy’ inflamed regional tensions by mobilising Russians and Russian speakers against enemy ‘Others’ – western Ukrainians, ‘Ukrainian nationalists,’ ‘fascists,’ NATO, and the Euromaidan. Yet, no opinion poll conducted prior to 2014 gave majority support for separatism in Crimea, making it highly likely the March 2014 referendum was a sham. Exactly six years ago, Russia launched a conveyor belt of persecution in occupied Crimea which it is now using on a mass scale, including against Crimean Tatar civic activists and journalists. In 2014, Putin’s alliance with ‘brown’ (fascist), ‘white’ (monarchist and Orthodox fundamentalist), and ‘red’ (Communist) political forces was evident in his ‘New Russia’ project for southeastern Ukraine (Laruelle 2016a).  When older dissidents were arrested, a new, younger generation would emerge that would replace them. Who constitutes the ‘We’ is made more difficult in border regions, such as the Donbas, where contestation often rests on who settled the region first and who the indigenous peoples are.  The consequent mortality rate remains disputed; the NKVD kept incomplete records of the death rate among the resettled ethnicities living in exile. Bahçeseray kilims (oriental rugs) were exported to Poland, and knives made by Crimean Tatar artisans were deemed the best by the Caucasian tribes. Only 18,983 of the exiles were from Crimean cities. Thus, Cri… The exception was the autumn 2003 crisis, when Russian security forces attempted to occupy the Ukrainian island of Tuzla off the eastern Crimean coast. Wars have traditionally moulded high levels of ethnic consciousness and served to harden the national space (Williams and Smith 1983). Defining the contours of Crimean autonomy plagued Kyiv-Crimean relations until the adoption of a Crimean constitution in 1998. Ethnogenesis.  Scholar Walter Kolarz alleges that the deportation and liquidation of Crimean Tatars as an ethnicity in 1944 was just the final act of the centuries-long process of Russian colonization of Crimea that started in 1783. , The 2013 Ukrainian Crimean Tatar-language film Haytarma portrays the experience of Crimean Tatar flying ace and Hero of the Soviet Union Amet-khan Sultan during the 1944 deportations.  During 1947 and 1948, a further 2,012 veteran returnees were deported from Crimea by the local MVD. This reinforced Soviet-era hegemony of the Russian language, not equality between Ukrainian and Russian. Ukrainians and Tatars accounted for 36% of Crimea’s population in Ukraine’s 2001 census, and many of them were opposed to Russia’s annexation. Despite these numerous concessions, Russia refused to change the 2009 gas contract, and Ukraine continued to pay the highest gas price in Europe. Thousands of Crimean Tatars were forcibly transferred to work as Ostarbeiter in German factories under the supervision of the Gestapo in what were described as "vast slave workshops", resulting in loss of all Crimean Tatar support. The Crimea was part of Soviet and independent Ukraine for a slightly shorter period of sixty years from 1954–2014; that is, only thirteen years less than it was included within ‘Russia’ (Wilson 2014, 100). Serhy Yekelchyk’s (2019) exploration of what he defines as ‘reactive settler nationalism’ in Crimea is a useful tool with which to integrate Russian-Crimean relations into post-colonial studies. In spring 2014, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCHR) and the Council of Europe reported no attacks on Russian speakers anywhere in Ukraine, despite Putin using this bogus myth as justification for Russia’s invasion and annexation of Crimea. Violent repression of the 2013–2014 Euromaidan Revolution and Russian military aggression radicalised Ukrainian memory politics and the introduction of de-communisation modelled on what had taken place earlier in central-eastern Europe and the three Baltic states (Ukrainian Parliament 2015b, Ukrainian Parliament 2015c, Ukrainian Parliament 2015d, Ukrainian Parliament 2015e). […] What, in truth, does a human being need? Jamala, an ethnic Crimean Tartar born in exile in Kyrgyzstan, dedicated the song to her deported great-grandmother. Russia has been targeting the Tatars with illegal detentions and other threats, even forcing them out of Crimea, but the ethnic minority refuses to accept Moscow's sovereignty Soon after Russia annexed the Crimean Peninsula in March 2014, Moscow launched a crackdown against the region's Turkic Muslim minority called the Tatars. Many of those deported performed forced labor: their tasks included working in coal mines and construction battalions, under the supervision of the NKVD. De-communisation (1) rehabilitated myriad Ukrainian political groups that had fought for Ukrainian independence in the twentieth century, (2) replaced Soviet and contemporary Russian bombastic celebrations of victory in the Great Patriotic War with commemoration of the tragedy and human suffering of World War II and the crime of the Holocaust, (3) opened Soviet secret services archives, and (4) banned and removed Soviet and Nazi symbols and monuments. Exaggerated claims about ‘Ukrainian nationalism’ and the threat it posed to Russian speakers were a central theme in Russia’s information warfare during and after the Euromaidan, which inflamed rhetoric. Eight to ten times as many Ukrainians believe that Russia’s intervention was to prevent Ukraine from leaving Russia’s sphere of influence (46.2%), Russia’s inability to accept Ukraine as an independent state (42.5%), and Russian opposition to Ukraine’s European integration (42.3%) (Perspektyvy Ukrayinsko-Rosiyskykh Vidnosyn 2015).  Dzhemilev, who was in Turkey during the annexation, was banned from entering Crimea for five years by the Russian authorities, thus marking the second time that he was evicted from his native land. 70% of Russians support their government’s policy of issuing Russian passports to residents of Russian-occupied Donbas, which would make them Russian citizens and provide Russia with a legal fig leaf to intervene on their behalf (Crimea: Five Years 2019). All Rights Reserved | Site by Rootsy. Racism towards Crimean Tatars had always existed within the Soviet Communist Party and continues within Russian nationalists. , Officially due to the collaboration with the Axis Powers during World War II, the Soviet government inflicted a collective guilt and punishment on ten ethnic minorities, among them the Crimean Tatars. The Russian Federation, Party of Regions, and its Crimean nationalist-separatist allies mobilised, agitated, and used inflammatory rhetoric and a massive information warfare campaign alleging discrimination against Russian speakers. In the 2010 Crimean elections, widespread abuse of state-administrative resources ensured that the Party of Regions doubled its deputies to 80. The Uzbek medical facilities filled with Crimean Tatars who were susceptible to the local Asian diseases not found on the Crimean peninsula where the water was purer, including yellow fever, dystrophy, malaria, and intestinal illness. 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